Mada al-Carmel (MADA) is an independent, not-for-profit, Palestinian-run research institute based in Haifa, Israel. Founded in 2000, MADA fuses in-depth theoretical and applied research with public policy recommendations to advance the national rights and the social, political and economic conditions of Palestinian citizens in Israel, and to craft new social policies toward this indigenous minority. In addition, MADA works to provide analytical research on a wide range of topics from national identity, citizenship, to democracy promotion in multiethnic states.
Mada al-Carmel, the Arab Center for Applied Social Research, held its third conference for Palestinian PhD students early July, in which 11 Palestinian PhD students from local and foreign universities discussed their research. The conference was attended by dozens of academics, university students and interested people, amid a notable presence of female doctoral students.
The conference was opened by Mada al-Carmel’s General Director, Professor Nadim Rouhana, who welcomed the guests and the students. “This conference is one of four components of Mada al-Carmel’s project to promote graduate studies and encourage Palestinian doctoral students. Supporting graduate students is one of Mada al-Carmel’s most important goals.”
Dr. Ayman Eghbaria, a member of the conference’s academic committee and a lecturer at Haifa University, welcomed the participants and spoke about the importance of research, writing and research production after the doctoral stage.
Professor Michael Karayani, also a member of the conference’s academic committee, gave an opening lecture on “Religious pluralism as a disguise – religious minorities in Israel.” In which he presented the clear and blatant contradiction between Israel’s claim to be a liberal democracy and the religious pluralism policies it promotes in order to weaken the national identity of the Palestinians in Israel.
Dr. Qusay Haj Yahya chaired the first session of the conference entitled, “Society, Education and Violence.” In this session, Islam Abu Asaad spoke on “Professional Education Communities for Teachers: The State of Arab Education in Israel.” Neveen Ali Saleh spoke on the “Exposure of Palestinians in Israel to Communal Violence and its Implications,” and Yamama Abdelkader spoke on “Identity and Psychological Immunity of Palestinian Youth in Israel.” Speaking via Skype from the Gaza Strip, Majdi Ashour spoke on, “Beyond Flexibility in a Time of Despair: The Changes in Household Spending on Health Care in the Gaza Strip.”
Professor Nadera Shalhoub-Kevorkian chaired the second session of the conference entitled, “Rights and Gender.” In this session, Maisa Totry Fakhoury spoke on “The Local and Unwritten Laws for the Development of Spatial Structure in the Palestinian Towns in Israel.” Huzan Younis spoke on “Dreams, Capabilities and Reality: Professional Careers of Palestinian Female Academics between Challenges, Opportunities and Strategies.” The session ended with Inshirah Khoury, who spoke on “The Conditions for Development of Equality in the Marital Relationship of Arab-Palestinian Men in Israel.”
Professor Mahmoud Yazbak chaired the last session entitled, “History and Conflict.” In this session, Ibrahim Khatib spoke on the theme of “Perception of the Conflict: Democratic Values and Reconciliation.” Speaking via Skype, the student, Ali Musa from Birzeit University, spoke on “The Jordanian Rule of the West Bank: Political, Economic, and Social Dimensions.” Abed Kanaaneh then spoke on his research on “Hezbollah in Lebanon: as a Project of ‘Counter-Hegemony’” and Haneen Naamneh spoke on “The dialectic of law and history in Jerusalem after the Naksa.”
In his concluding remarks, Dr. Mohanad Mustafa, Director of research programs at Mada and a member of the conference committee, spoke about the objectives of the program and the need to support doctoral students. He said, “The aim of this conference is for Palestinian graduate students to strive to produce Palestinian knowledge that reproduces the Palestinian novelty severed since 1948, and restores respect for the Palestinian cultural field, particularly as the conference brings together young Palestinians studying in universities all over the world. The conference is an exceptional opportunity for students to present knowledge in an aberrant reality of a dispersed population, to produce Palestinian knowledge in an abnormal situation, which is a political and scientific challenge at the same time. The political challenge is to produce a Palestinian scientific and sociological field in a reality of political fragmentation, so that the cultural field of knowledge becomes the basis for the unity of the Palestinian people.”
The conference concluded with the distribution of five grants to five PhD students, during which Mada al-Carmel’s Associate Director, Einas Odeh-Haj, congratulated the attendance and doctoral students who presented their research. She commended the female attendance and the fact that the majority of the doctoral students participating in the conference were women. She then thanked the members of the Grants Committee. Odeh-Haj considered that “The grants are a small contribution from Mada to encourage the doctoral students and contribute to the production of Palestinian knowledge and culture.”
The five students receiving Mada’s grant for this year were:
1. Islam Abu Asaad, Education Department, Ben Gurion University
2. Areen Hawari, Gender Studies Department, Ben Gurion University.
3. Camillia Ibrahim, Gender Studies Department, Bar Ilan University.
4. Niveen Ali Saleh, Department of Social Work, Hebrew University of Jerusalem.
5. Wassim Ghantous, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Guttenberg, Sweden.
Mada al-Carmel Center has released a new issue of Jadal Electronic magazine, edited by Muhannad Mustafa and Areen Hawari. This issue (29) deals with the public sphere and its context in the Palestinian community inside Israel from various aspects. The introduction starts by saying that the “public domain or public space is not a new subject for discussion in social literature; there have been writings on the study of the public sphere and its role in political culture and democracy, and its relationship with authority, whether political, social or religious. The public sphere aims to build the active citizen, through participation of the people in the formulation of public interest.”
The current issue of the Jadal magazine includes eight intellectual and cultural articles on the public sphere in the Palestinian community inside the Green Line from various angles and fields of knowledge.
The issue starts with an article by Dr. Muhannad Mustafa in which he provides a theoretical approach to the public sphere and the theoretical discussion around it. The article refers to the debate among researchers on the difference between the official, public and private spheres, in that the last is the field of sound, while the first is the field of loyalty. By sound, he means the place where you hear the debates, discussions, different attitudes and opinions, and therefore it is diverse and controversial, while loyalty represents one voice, the voice of the authority. In contrast to the pluralism in the public sphere, there is a unilateralism in the official field, regardless of the political system. Democratic elections are resolved between the different political ideological positions in the midst of the struggle for authority, while the public sphere is not based on the settlement of the issue, but on the debates and discussions and the presence of all positions.
The second article entitled, “the public and private spheres”, is from Dr. Azmi Bishara’s book “Theses on a Deferred Awakening” published over a decade ago. It is, to our knowledge, the first cultural text that establishes the discussion on the public sphere in the Palestinian community inside the Green Line, and has an in-depth analysis of the idea of the public and private spheres in Palestinian society. In this regard, Bishara says: “The public sphere is therefore not exactly a public place, nor is it always in the public domain, rather it is a socio-cultural state of mind able to visualize the common good, or to legally impose it in order to deter the exceptions that are incapable of visualizing, addressing or respecting it. For this to happen, a period of historical development is required in which a process of classification between the private and public sphere in the institutions and in consciousness has occurred.”
In the third article, Dr. Ramiz Eid talks about the “Palestinian communal system”, which formed, until the mid-twentieth century, a shared public space that was managed by different groups in Palestinian society. In his presentation of the history of the communal system in Palestine, Eid emphasizes the social and economic role played by the latter in creating a management that relies on equality and local participatory democracy in decision-making. The article also emphasizes the role of the communal system in preventing external interference in the affairs of the local community and in its ability to prevent the sale of land. It opposes the first writings about it, particularly in the period of the British Mandate, which described it as an old economic system with a backward and inefficient structure in managing the economic and agricultural public sphere. Favoring the promotion of private ownership, which allowed for the sale of the land and control by the British Mandate and in line with what the Zionist forces and institutions demanded.
In his article, Dr. Mussalam Mahameed discusses the social network “Facebook” describing it as confining the presence and highlighting masks, saying: “the cosmic systems have become closer to the realization that leads to ignorance. The greater our exposure to obscured science, the more we realize how ignorant we are. We have experienced many types of communication, but we have not yet understood its philosophical dimensions. Even philosophers, it seems, are now scrambling to build a clear methodology for the definition of public space and its relationship to systems of communication. The theory of public space seeks to consolidate this concept and establish its foundations, but it frequently fails, in my opinion, as it chooses a philosophically loose cover that it wants it to wear in order to minimize the definition of communication.”
Hama Abu Kishek starts her article, “The virtual space of the Palestinian minority inside Israel,” by talking about the Arab media inside the Green Line and the role of the censor/authority in its formation. She also addresses the image of Arabs in the dominant Israeli media, followed by the development of the Arab press with the spread of the Internet and its consumption, highlighting the emergence of the phenomenon of the youth movement across social networking among young Arabs inside the Green Line, a phenomenon that played a role in highlighting the opinion and participating in the debate, which has been used in some cases as a tool in mobilizing and organizing national protests and marches.
In contrast, Deema Abu El Assal, in her article, “The illusion of the virtual world,” discusses the role of Facebook as a public network, wondering whether it is an equal platform for everyone, or a virtual world that reflects reality and its conflicts. While in her article, Abu El-Assal presents different views of researchers of social networks on the latter’s ability to build a public space among its users and abolish discrimination and class and racist policies in some countries of the world. She is biased in favor of the claim that the ruling and powerful classes exploit Facebook and other networks, to keep up with the activities of users, their posts and content they share on their pages, to follow and monitor them. She argues that what young Palestinians face, based on their activity on Facebook, from political prosecutions, investigations and arrests, is an example of the fact that Facebook works on consolidating the existing power relations.
Regarding defending the dignity of women and their bodies in the public and private space, Maysa Irshaid addresses in her article, the entry of women into the public sphere with their bodies. She analyzes the experience of a protest activity by a group of Palestinian women through dance in the public arena, in rebellion against the violence directed towards women. In addition, limiting the freedom of the woman, the human, and prosecuting her socially and morally based on her body, which was raised to maintain the boundaries set for it, pointing out that the entry gate to the public space is often restricted, limiting its entry (i.e. the body) to moving from one private space to another.
Jadal Qassem concludes the issue with a theoretical essay on human dignity in the public sphere, in which she addresses the concept of human dignity and its move from the private sphere to the public sphere. She argues that freedom represented in the human right to self-determination is a sole prerequisite to achieving human dignity, which remains an individual feeling until it moves from the private to the public through a revolution or a popular demand for change. This transition is accompanied by a demand for the right to participate in the development of laws and regulations, and choosing the shape of the political, social and economic system.
The “Israel Studies Program” in Mada al-Carmel — Arab Center for Applied Social Research
in Haifa, issued a new file, No. 8, of the Mada files series. The focus of this file is “Readings in the Issue of the Displaced,” and includes four research papers.
The first paper is entitled, “Do we know the number of internally displaced Palestinians? Complications in definition and number” by Ameed Sa’abna. The central question in this study addresses the number of internally displaced Palestinians in Israel at the beginning of the twenty-first century. The study asks specifically: Do we know the number of displaced people today? In trying to answer this question, the study initially reviewed the scarce literature published on the displaced, noting that a formal census of the displaced has not been carried out yet. The study then reviewed recent surveys, which tried to estimate the size of the displaced groups, particularly the socio-economic survey implemented by the Galilee Society.
The paper discusses the definition used by this survey, which stipulates that the displacement is inherited through the male and not female offspring, and how this definition affects the number of the displaced; the phenomenon it intends to measure. The characteristics of this effect are defined more clearly, when we review and compare this socio-economic survey with the results of Mada al-Carmel’s survey, which used another definition. The study compares the two definitions and the consequences on the size of the group of displaced as a result.
The author suggests that the surveys need to ask about the complete family history regarding displacement, that is, inquire about the displacement status of the individual, parents and grandparents from the paternal and maternal sides, as well as other questions about the destroyed town of origin and year of displacement. The complete history of displacement of the family provides the researchers and those interested great flexibility in defining the borders of the displaced group. This information also enables the use of alternative definitions for official identification.
The second paper is entitled “Internally Displaced Palestinians: A Comprehensive Reading” by Manar Makhoul. This paper presents a reading of the internal displacement of Palestinians in Israel since the Nakba in accordance with international law standards, and specifically relevant customary regulations: international human rights law, international humanitarian law, Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement, and main trends in human rights and humanitarian work. This reading comes as an attempt to frame a comprehensive analysis of the issue of forced internal displacement, and is a preliminary alternative reading of some local trends dealing with this issue. The first part of the paper, theoretically prepares for three levels, starting with general analytical standards in international law, specifically the rights based approach, then to the forced displacement of Palestinians in general, focusing on the forced internal displacement of the Palestinians in Israel. The second part reviews the internal displacement of Palestinians in Israel since the Nakba. This includes those internally displaced as a result of the war in 1948, as well as the forced displacement of Palestinians by Israeli “development” projects, focusing on the Palestinian Bedouins in the Naqab (Negev). It should be noted here, that the relative focus on forced displacement in the Naqab is not based on dealing with it as a “special case,” but rather to show “development” as an Israeli mechanism to displace the Palestinians, and placing the internally displaced Palestinian Bedouin in the same analytical “category” on equal footing with the “displaced of the Nakba.” The rights-based approach places the structural causes at the center of the analysis of the issue of displacement of Palestinians in Israel within a comprehensive framework for the ideological and political contexts of the Palestinian cause. Based on this, we must deal with the issue of Palestinian displacement in all its forms, systematically, rather than through breaking it down into specific “local” problems. Therefore, any solutions to local issues that do not include empowering the internally displaced, do not deal with the structural causes of displacement, and are not based on protection in the long term, will necessitate/result in not ensuring the rights of the Palestinians.
The third paper is entitled “Internally displaced Palestinians in Israel: displacement from the place and remaining in the homeland,” and was prepared by Heba Yazbak. Yazbak says that the Zionist project did not intend to form a group of displaced people, but worked to transform the Palestinian people, in their entirety, to refugees outside the borders of their homeland. The displaced persons are also a refugee project, but by remaining in their homeland they succeeded, at least partially, to thwart eviction from the land and homeland. In addition, the paper reviews the main mechanisms and policies used by the Zionist military forces, and then the Israeli institutions with the aim to displace and expel, according to the oral narratives of the displaced themselves, through which, we can also perceive a narrative of resolve and endurance, and not only of displacement. Thus, the present paper also refers to the importance of oral history and its centrality as a scientifically credible methodology, that becomes a reference in the formulation of the collective and historical narrative of the Palestinians.
Through exploring the narratives of the displaced, and through reviewing the successive displacement instruments and policies, we can clearly infer that the Zionist project aspired to exile the Palestinians outside and not inside the borders of the homeland, and has pursued all the displaced who remained in order to evict them.
The fourth paper is entitled the “Socio-economic status of the second generation of the displaced Palestinians in Israel” by Ameed Sa’abna. This paper looks at the socio-economic status of the second generation of the internally displaced in Israel; an issue not covered by the relatively few studies on the displaced, which mostly deal with the first-generation experience, the difficulties they faced, especially in the first two decades of the Nakba. Some studies on the experience of the second generation, indicate a decrease in the socio-economic differences between them and the non-displaced. The children of the displaced were able to close the gaps that characterized the first generation of the Nakba, and promote a sense of their belonging to the towns where they sought refuge, the towns where they were born and raised. These conclusions are mostly impressions, and do not explain how the displaced were able to bridge the gaps between them and the rest of the population, and what are the conditions and factors, whether social, political, or economic, which enabled the second generation of the displaced to achieve social mobility similar to that achieved by the residents of the towns where they sought refuge. The studies, which deal with the social mobility of Arab families in Israel, are deficient in addressing the role of land ownership, especially in recent decades. Future studies in this area, need to take this into account in order to understand the hierarchies that have arisen in Arab society.
Mada al-Carmel Center issued an extra issue of the Jadal electronic magazine, edited by Muhanad Mustafa and Areen Hawari. This issue (27-28) of Jadal deals with the Palestinian city and its cultural, political, social and urban transformation, in the context of Israeli colonial settlement structure inside the Green Line and in the territories occupied in 1967, and in the framework of the Arab Palestinian social structure. The articles address the general level of transformations of the Palestinian city, with case studies of Palestinian cities/ residential areas, such as Haifa, Nazareth, Um el-Fahem and Ramallah. They raise several aspects of the issues relating to the Palestinian city, most importantly, the cognitive-epistemological aspect. This current issue features a large collection of articles divided into two sections: The first deals with a general analysis of the social, cultural and urban reality of the Palestinian city, and includes four articles. The second section deals with case studies of Palestinian cities/residential areas: Um el-Fahem, Haifa, Nazareth and Ramallah.
In the first section, Dr. Musallam Mahameed deals with a situation he calls the “Villacity” in the Palestinian communities inside the Green Line. The article tries to analyze everyday social behaviors stemming from this “Villacity” created by Israeli colonialism and complied with by the social strata, which is to drop the favorable aspects of the village without connecting with those of the city, and maintain the negative aspects of the village without repelling those of the city.
In his article, Professor Rasim Khamaisi addresses the urban planning transformations in the Palestinian residential areas, after the severing of the urbanization process, the city that evolved in Palestine and the Nakba of the Arab city in 1948. He suggests a critical view of the polarity of the city/village, and points out that “following resumption of development of the city, we are required to avoid continuing to stagger between the rural and urban, and produce concepts that critically read the reality of our cities and prepare for the future without copying and simulation.”
Within the general articles, which discuss the social aspect, Dr. Ibrahim Mahajneh analyzes in his article the issue of social solidarity in the Palestinian city, through the so-called “social urbanism,” assuming that “the Palestinian cities established under Israeli colonialism” suffer from “partial” and “strained” social urbanization. Mahajneh believes that the informal social solidarity system in these cities, is a relief solidarity in the form of grants and aid, but despite its inadequacy and irregularity as it is seasonal, works as an important safety net for the benefit of poor families. In the same context, the researcher Lubabah Sabri, presents the cultural structure of the Palestinian city, stressing that the “social and cultural infrastructure in the Palestinian city has not changed.” Under the Israeli governments this emerging bourgeoisie structure acquired the political and social discourse and cultural production, protecting its privileges; to be the economic, political, intellectual and social decision maker.
The second part of the issue is opened by Dr. Ahmad Eghbarieh analyzing the urban – cultural reality of the city of Um el-Fahem, noting two factors that contributed to the formation of the cultural, political and social urban infrastructure in the city, namely political Islam and Israeli colonialism. He directs severe criticism of the development of the city to become “isolated from its close history and distant real heritage, living a spiritually confused mood between the terrestrial and celestial, or between the secular and religious, not to mention the daily colonial practices which emptied the concept of “citizenship” of its content, and dismisses simple dependence on it in a future reality. For the reasons given in combination, this city does not produce knowledge about itself, as it does not live a normal situation, but the bulk of what is produced is chanting consumed religious slogans, or extoling national repugnant mantras. Dr. Nadeem Karkabi deals with the cultural situation in the city of Haifa. He observes the cultural transformations in it since its emergence as a global city embracing the middle class culture in the 1930s, through the Nakba till today. Karkabi deals with some of the associated ideas of Haifa as the capital of Arab culture inside Israel, which is consistent with the desire to restore the Palestinian city lost since the Nakba. He believes that the Palestinian social class which owns the economic luxury in Haifa and other cities seeks to reproduce and redefine the Palestinian civilian areas, on a cultural and not economic basis. He also points to the emergence and development of civil society institutions and initiatives, such as Palestinian non-governmental organizations, which, through their activities have attracted an audience and artists from outside the city.
The researcher Nisreen Mazzawi deals with the city of Nazareth in the framework of the “cultural and structural changes in the urban realm of Nazareth.” She presents the urban transformations in the city in the broad sense of urbanization and its economic, cultural and social implications, and city’s future destination. In this respect, she states that the “cultural changes in the urban realm of Nazareth, in addition to the changes in lifestyles and their impact on identity, contains the issue and its opposite; the presence of the first sustains the presence of the second. A special network of deep, composite and contrasting relations combines the city’s residents in moderate consistency and harmony. Together they constitute a mosaic that reflects key elements in the life of the Palestinians in Israel.”
The second part of this issue has two articles about the transformations in the city of Ramallah, especially after the Oslo Accords and the establishment of the Palestinian Authority. Dr. Jamil Hilal tries to understand the transformations in the city and its future destination following the changes that took place and continue to occur after the Oslo agreement, noting that the “biggest challenge for the city is combining between being a pluralistic, open and creative city, engaging with the racial colonial settlement system, and realizing that the greedy values of capitalism are incompatible with the values of freedom based on equality, solidarity and justice.”
In the same regard, the Palestinian researcher Lawziyeh Bazar presents a historical sociological reading of the transformations that took place in the city of Ramallah till this day. She confirms that “Ramallah wasn’t –the Oslo city– despite the importance of the developments that followed Oslo and the return of the Palestinian Authority from abroad. The centrality of Ramallah came gradually as an urban place emerging since the Ottoman rule, expanding during the British Mandate, to be reengineered during the period of Jordanian rule, and continued later to become in its current form.”
The current issue of Mada Al-Carmel electronic magazine “Jadal” addresses the decision to outlaw the Islamic Movement adopted by the Israeli government in the mid of November 2015. The Israeli decision, to politically outlaw the Islamic Movement, is considered a historical turning point in the relationship between Israel and the Palestinians in Israel. This is not a compositional argument, it is the precise description of this outlaw to whom understands the essence of this step and what it expresses from the change of this game’s rules between the Arab Palestinian crowds and the Israeli institution, including all its divisions, the political, the judicial, the media and security, all of which were mobilized to support this outlaw. It is an indicator for the change of the game’s rules, though unfair, and which determined the relationship between the Palestinian people and their national institutions on the one hand, and the State of Israeli on the other hand; a change towards new rules that emphasize Israel’s discourse and colonial behavior and attitude towards the Palestinian masses inside the green line.
The majority of the Israeli society approved the prohibition of the Islamic Movement, in addition to incriminating the Arab political work in general. A recent poll on “The Israeli Democracy scale” published by the Israeli Institute for Democracy clearly reveals the racist attitudes of Israeli fascist and colonial nature against not only the Islamic Movement, but also the Arab masses, their leadership and parties. According to this poll, the entire Palestinian political work may be banned and criminalized. The Israeli political leadership is not only familiar with that approach but it is also in harmony with it and it feeds it. Some of the Israeli Elite opposed this banning for different reasons. Some opposed it for the harm it would cause to whatever is left of the democratic space in Israel, others are against it because it is ineffective, and there are those who opposed it because they believe it would harm the Arab-Jewish relationship. On the other hand, the majority of the Israeli society and its political parties supported it and considered it to be an accomplishment on Netanyahu’s behalf and that is what Netanyahu was looking for, considering his constant political and security failure; taking advantage of the global confusion about the terrorist attacks in Europe and Islamophobia to increase the fear from the Arab masses in general, their leaders and the Islamic Movement in particular.
The Islamic Movement is nor a closed Sufi trend, neither an Othman association. The Islamic Movement is a political-ideological stream that is present in all Arab social stratums and in all its locations. The debating and disagreements with the Islamic Movement on its political and social agenda do not provide moral nor national justification to support the outlaw. This was reflected in the articles published in this editorial, tackling the different aspects of interpretations and reflections of the outlaw on the validity of this argument.
In her article, attorney Suhad Bshara, provides a judicial-political reading for banning the Islamic Movement through a comparative approach, comparing the banning of al-Ard (the Land) Movement, the differences and the similarities between the two cases. She also reads the outlaw within the general legal-political system which Israel uses as an attempt to incriminate the political activities and work within the Palestinian society in Israel. The writer clarifies that “unlike al-Ard Movement, the Islamic Movement did not only choose not to operate within the parliament, it also chose to operate out of any system in order not to frame itself as a registered body according to any of the Israeli laws. It preferred to operate as a mass religious political movement legally unframed. Despite that, the Islamic Movement was subjected to the same methods of repression by the emergency regulations, in an attempt to impose the constitutional/ideological equation set by the Supreme Court in the case of al-Ard Movement, also in no harmony with the law. Thereby the Israeli institution takes one further step to expand its oppressive and dominant space towards the Palestinian political action inside the green line. The columnist Hisham Nafaa offers a political interpretation for the Islamic Movement prohibition in light of the general Israeli policies towards the Arab masses, emphasizing that this prohibition came in association with the government’s old strategy of reproducing the Arab Palestinian enemy in a systematic manner, seeking this strategy planned goals. He specifically emphasized the decision made by the right-wing government led by Benyamin Netanyahu to outlaw the Islamic Movement, referring to the techniques used by the authority to produce the enemy, as merging fear and terror, in addition to recruiting media in order to make Israeli decisions as dramatic as possible.
The researcher Rana Iseed offers an interpretation of the Islamic Movement’s role in providing social services and social welfare for Arab community, mentioning the self-reliant society, which was embodied by the Islamic Movement through the initiative for establishing non-governmental institutions, which would be responsible for social welfare. She revealed the negative reflections of the embargo on the different social stratums which previously benefited from the services provided by the Islamic Movement, noting that “the government considers providing social services to be “a socio-political threat” rather than a legitimate competitor against the government and its institutions in this regard. Therefore, Iseed believes that there is a relationship –albeit indirect- between the outlaw of the Islamic Movement and its socio-political activities”. In his article, advocate Alaa’ Mahajneh presents a reading of the relationship between the diversions in the Israeli and Zionist policies, and the prohibition of the Islamic Movement, emphasizing the relationship between the rising of the religious settler approach of the government and the Zionist project, and their seeking to ban the Islamic Movement. Given the recent activities of the Islamic Movement in Jerusalem and Al-Aqsa Mosque wherein the Zionist religious colonial stream is attempting to regain religious dominance on Al-Aqsa mosque. The Zionist stream considers the Islamic Movement to be the main obstacle preventing them from accomplishing their ambition.
The writer suggests that “the project of the Islamic Movement, its exceptional activities in Jerusalem and the enforcement of steadfastness and resilience, especially the issue of Al-Aqsa mosque, are the main reasons behind the outlaw decision. Whereas this project collides with the endeavors of the new right-wing to regain the possession of “Temple mount” and the judaization of Jerusalem, in addition to the compulsory displacement of its indigenous Palestinian inhabitants. All of that come as an attempt to establish Jewish religious values within the concept of religious Zionism in the context of its internal struggle over the identity of the State”.
In her study, Dr. Taghreed Yahya-Younis offers a gender approach regarding the Islamic Movement prohibition, where she focuses on the negative aspects of the Islamic Movement prohibition on the feminist activity within the Islamic Movement, especially that a large feminist stratum has found in the Islamic Movement a political, social and religious framework through which they can play a political and social role, adding to that the opportunity of going out to work and self-actualization on both spiritual and psychological levels. The writer clarifies that “The outlaw impacts affected the whole Palestinian society and the entire Northern Islamic Movement, boys, girls, women and men, individuals and group/s. But it specifically and directly affected the dozens of girls and young women employed by the Movement, in addition to the awareness raising activists and so many other fields. Thousands of women who receive the Islamic Movement services inside the green line, the West Bank and Gaza have also been affected. The date of the outlaw, to some women, is a determining one with both literal and metaphorical meanings”.
In addition to all of the mentioned previously, the researcher and Professor Saleh Lutfi presents an Islamic interpretation for the Islamic Movement outlaw through a cultural approach, considering that the conflict between Israel and the Islamic Movement is not only a political conflict, but also a cultural one; using the Islamic framework manifested in the concept of “Conflict” used by Israel for its relationship with the Islamic Movement, and the concept of “Jostling” adopted by the Islamic Movement for its relationship with Israel. Lutfi suggests: “The nature of advocacy dealt by the Islamic Movement in the gain momentum, and the nature of collision (clash) and conflict dealt by Israel, as the Israeli institution calls for collision because it is easier for it, and it was initially established on that logic, the only logic Israel can understand, through which and by which it can coexist”.
In the general articles’ section, MK Haneen Zoabi, contributed with an article on the Joint List, which is a continuation of the debate introduced by the previous editorial of “Jadal” magazine. Zoabi approached the Joint List from many different angels, thereby revealing the political and ideological unlikeness between the components of the Joint List regarding its essence and role, indicating that developing the culture of a national, responsible sober and solid argument among different parties of the Joint List is an important condition, but is not enough for those who want to develop the Joint List as a national strategy. Those who want to achieve that must minimize the differences and deepen the unanimity which develops the Joint List’s political vision. Zoabi also assures that despite all the differences “Unity is more important than the ideological or political agreement, unity will prevent Israel from going alone with any party” of the Joint List’s parties. Unity will prevent Israel from weakening the parties by rating them into “moderate” and “extremist”. Zoabi also suggests that the leadership must repel the incitement and protect its people from it, and this leadership should not change its positions to avoid agitation”.
Finally, the writer and researcher Salameh Keileh provides a summarized and general reading of the Palestinian cause in the present time, and after the outburst of the Arab revolutions in particular, exposing the changes the National Palestinian Scheme went through, and the need to restore the Palestinian National project as a project of national emancipation. He also believes that the Arab revolutions indirectly contribute to the Palestinian cause, contrary to the present illusions. The writer explains that well by saying: “The circumstances were referring to a general tendency to end the Palestinian cause, even before the Arab revolutions; perhaps these revolutions may have led to a different direction, an issue that is not being recognized, or ignored. Wherein the revolutions portend a great coup in the Arab world, which is not in favor of the Zionist State and all the capitalists. It led to the thought of a third intifada by Palestinian youth in Palestine’s various regions.
The main theme of the current issue of Jadal is the Joint List, which is a political alliance of four Arab-dominated parties in Israel. The formation of the Joint List has been considered as a historic step within the Arab political scene inside the Green Line, as it is the first time that the Arab parliamentary parties ran in the Knesset elections within a single list. Editors Mohanad Mustafa and Areen Hawari state in their editorial that “the Joint List’s formation, its participation in the elections, and its success in receiving thirteen seats in parliament are achievements that may usher in a new and promising phase of Arab political activity inside the Green Line. At the same time, however, such successes may be temporary and ultimately reduce national action, if they are not followed by steps to improve the List’s effectiveness in producing political achievements beyond that of its formation”.
The fourth workshop, held in Ramallah on July 29-30, 2016, dealt with the Palestinian National Movement’s reading of Zionism. In its opening, Professor Nadim Rouhana stressed the importance of returning to the settler colonial framework in the approach to Zionism and the conflict with it. He pointed out that Palestinian political thought has historically viewed Zionism as a colonial project, but that the shift towards the state project, especially after 1974, led to a political turning point in dealing with the conflict. It became presented as a struggle between two groups vying for the same homeland, in parallel with Israel’s continued settlement activities in the occupied territories in 1967 and also within the Green Line.
In the beginning, before dealing with the Palestinian National Movement, Professor Ilan Pappe, director of the University of Exeter’s European Centre for Palestine Studies and a member of the Middle East Humanities research cluster, presented the introductory lecture on Zionism. He said that Zionist settler colonialism is a path and not a structure, therefore it is difficult to find its properties, rather we must look at the logic that motivates the project, which is the logic of genocide linked to the logic of demonization of the locals.
Mr. Daoud Talhami gave a lecture on the regional surroundings and combatting Zionism. At the outset, he said that in spite of the fact that the Palestinian people are the first victims of the Zionist project, the latter also targets the Arab and non-Arab surroundings, through its inherent geographic expansion. However, the most dangerous aspect of this project, is the regional imperialist role played by the Zionist state in the region.
The third lecture was given by Professor Samih Hamouda from the political science department at Birzeit University. He said that the Islamic trend, like the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) trends, suffers from a weakness in theorization and methodological thinking. Then he argued that Hamas’s discourse mixes between the religious and political, viewing the Jews in essence, while the Islamic Jihad does not view Zionism as an extension of the Jewish groups in history, but as organically linked to colonialism.
This was followed by a lecture on the Israeli Communist Party, given by Mr. Abdel-Latif Hussari, a member of its intellectual department. He still sees the party as an important component of the Palestinian liberation movement. He said that the party’s ideological roots appeared as a combination of thought of immigrants who arrived in Palestine with Marxist ideas in parallel with communists who grew up in the Palestinian city. He also mentioned the various divisions then the unity among the party, such as the split between Arabs and Jews in 1943, and the formation of the National Liberation League, because the Arabs rejected the parallelism between the nationalism of a movement struggling against oppression and the nationalist tendencies of a nation practicing oppression.
The first session on the second day was a reading of the national movement inside Israel of Zionism, presented by Dr. Mohanad Mustafa, a lecturer at the College for Academic Studies and a researcher at Mada al-Carmel. Dr. Mustafa argued that political Islam inside Israel approached Zionism from a historical perspective through the wide Islamic paradigm in all its components. The national movement, on the other hand, approached Zionism from an ideological perspective relating to its colonial project in Palestine, without marginalizing its relationship, i.e. Zionism, with the overall colonial project in the Arab region.
The next session was on the Israeli Communist Party and its approach to Zionism. This session was given by Dr. Mahmoud Muhareb, lecturer at Al-Quds University/Abu Dis, on the emergence of the Communist Party in the ranks of the Jewish settler movement and not the indigenous population. Dr. Muhareb said that the Arabs were admitted to the party, at the request of the leaders of the Communist International (Comintern), but the party, sentimentally, was close to the settlement project, and spoke on behalf of the Jewish proletariat. On the other hand, Zionist practices and its alliance with colonialism were one of the factors that distanced the party from Zionism.
Speaking in the final session, which was entitled identity and the Palestinian narrative under Zionism, were two members of the workshop on their research. Heba Yazbek, a doctoral student in sociology at Tel Aviv University, spoke about the displaced inside the Green Line and how they tell their story. Dr. Manar Makhoul, coordinator of the political monitoring project at Mada al-Carmel, spoke on the development of identity inside Israel under Zionism, through the review and analysis of more than seventy Palestinian novels written inside the Green Line.
At the end of each lecture, there were comments and room for discussion by several dignitaries, including Palestinian political leaders such as MK Haneen Zoubi; Mr. Walid Taha, a member of the regional political bureau of the Islamic Movement; and lecturers including Dr. George Giacaman of Birzeit University.